Thomas
Berger was in fine fighting form as he delivered the last few punches in the
Peel land use plan trial.
After carefully
constructing the complex land claims-based case against the Yukon government
and then listening to its defense, the 81-year-old lawyer, best known for putting
a lid on the Mackenzie pipeline in the 1970s, stepped up to take a final swing
or two.
The people
crammed into main courtroom – and the overflow room served via video
link - hung on his every word.
Although it’ll
be two or three months before he finds out whether it was enough for a knockout or not, the First Nations
and environmental groups he represented sure seemed to think it was.
Berger,
himself, was a bit more tempered.
“We think it’s
a strong case but it’s up to the judge to decide,” he told the media after the four-day legal extravaganza wrapped July 10.
“We think
the case is one where it’s important to uphold the integrity of the Umbrella
Final Agreement [Yukon’s modern-day treaty],” he said.“It’s really the constitution of
the Yukon.”
Land use
planning for the Yukon portion of the transboundary Peel watershed flows from
that agreement. First Nations gave up rights to 97 per cent of the region, believing
they’d play a meaningful role in planning and managing its land and resources.
But the
Yukon government has reneged on that deal, Berger argued.
When it didn’t
like the way things were going, it simply walked away and went off on its own
land planning “frolic,” he said. It dumped the
Peel commission’s plan – which protected 80 per
cent – and replaced it with one that protects less than 30 per cent.
“They may
have felt that ‘we are the landlords, we can do whatever we want,’ but they can’t,”
Berger said.
Nor should the government
get away with blaming the Peel commission for the current mess, he said.
The
commission did what it could, with the information it had, after seven years of research, analysis
and consultation. It made tough choices, just not the choices the government
wanted, he said.
He reminded the court that the government was involved with the appointment of four of
the six commission members.
“They threw
the commission under the bus, but it was their commission,” he said.
Although the
lawsuit asks the court to declare the commission’s plan as the only valid Peel
plan, government lawyer John Hunter said the court has no jurisdiction to do
that.
If the court
decides the government broke the law, then there is no Peel plan and the
process must return to square one, Hunter argued.
Berger, on
the other hand, said not only would that waste nearly a decade of work, it
would reward the government for deliberately thwarting the process.
It would
make more sense to make it go back to where the government walked away from the process, which was after receiving the final recommended plan, he said.
“The court’s
job here is to restore the proceedings to a lawful footing,” Berger said.
The
commission’s plan should “not be left with a blank page unsigned by the
government of the Yukon,” he said.
The four affected First Nations, including the NWT Gwich’in, have already approved it.
Although not
a party to this lawsuit, the Gwich’in Tribal Council was granted intervenor status. It used the opportunity to remind the court that the whole point of land claims was “to foster reconciliation.”
Gwich’in
leaders joined Yukon First Nation chiefs on the front bench to watch the case
unfold. In contrast the government sent a few bureaucrats for the four-day trial. Its only elected official, backbencher Vuntut Gwitchin MLA Darius Elias, made a brief appearance on the closing day.
If the First
Nations and environmental groups win this case, the Peel will become the
largest protected area in North America, said Berger.
“You know when
you’re 81, as some of us are, you realize the importance of preserving
wilderness or preserving land in its natural state,” Berger told reporters.
“We should
have within our country areas that are pristine and remain pristine. It’s
our obligation to safeguard them and it’s our obligation to pass them on to future
generations. That’s what the commission was trying to do and yet to provide for a measure of industrial development.”
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